Newborn screening consists of taking a few drops of blood
from a baby’s heel in the first week of life and testing it for a list of
disorders. In the United States
and most countries in Europe, newborn
screening programs began in the 1960s and 1970s with screening for
phenylketonuria (PKU), a rare metabolic disease that causes severe and
irreversible mental retardation unless treated before problems arise. As
knowledge about rare diseases expanded and new screening technologies were
introduced—such as the tandem mass spectrometer and high-performance liquid
chromatography—the same blood sample could be used to test for a whole list of
disorders.
In general, screening programs in most countries have tended
to expand, but in different countries they have expanded in different ways.
Regulation also varies. In some states, screening is mandatory, whereas in
others—Wyoming and Maryland—parents are asked for their
informed consent. Germany
and France
have adopted an explicit informed consent procedure, whereas other European
countries have a more informal “opt-out” procedure that does not require
signing an informed consent form.
Whether newborn screening requires informed consent is an
ongoing issue in bioethics. In this article, we will focus on the tension
between informed consent and the problem of compliance in newborn screening.
Asking for informed consent—allowing parents to opt out—is often thought to
pose a threat to compliance. Building on the work of Onora O’Neill on informed
consent and trust, however, as well as on work she coauthored with Neil Manson,
we will argue that informed consent procedures may actually help maintain trust
in newborn screening and may therefore support compliance.
Newborn screening consists of taking a few drops of blood
from a baby’s heel in the first week of life and testing it for a list of
disorders. In the United States
and most countries in Europe, newborn
screening programs began in the 1960s and 1970s with screening for
phenylketonuria (PKU), a rare metabolic disease that causes severe and
irreversible mental retardation unless treated before problems arise. As
knowledge about rare diseases expanded and new screening technologies were
introduced—such as the tandem mass spectrometer and high-performance liquid
chromatography—the same blood sample could be used to test for a whole list of
disorders.
In general, screening programs in most countries have tended
to expand, but in different countries they have expanded in different ways.
Regulation also varies. In some states, screening is mandatory, whereas in
others—Wyoming and Maryland—parents are asked for their
informed consent. Germany
and France
have adopted an explicit informed consent procedure, whereas other European
countries have a more informal “opt-out” procedure that does not require
signing an informed consent form.
Whether newborn screening requires informed consent is an
ongoing issue in bioethics. In this article, we will focus on the tension
between informed consent and the problem of compliance in newborn screening.
Asking for informed consent—allowing parents to opt out—is often thought to
pose a threat to compliance. Building on the work of Onora O’Neill on informed
consent and trust, however, as well as on work she coauthored with Neil Manson,
we will argue that informed consent procedures may actually help maintain trust
in newborn screening and may therefore support compliance.